[rad-green] Pompeo’s Gulf Of Tonkin Incident

*https://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/pompeos-gulf-of-tonkin-incident/
<https://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/pompeos-gulf-of-tonkin-incident/>*


*The American Conservative          January 9, 2020*

Pompeo’s Gulf Of Tonkin Incident

*Don't take the events that led to Soleimani's killing at face value.
Vietnam may seem like a lifetime ago, but its failures and lies loom.*
*U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo walks out of the West Wing.(Photo by
Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)*

*by GARETH PORTER*

Like the crucial steps toward public acceptance preceding the U.S.
invasions of Vietnam and Iraq, the assassination of Qassem Soleimani was
aimed at building popular support for war on Iran. Not only the
justification, but the assassination itself were part of a broader strategy
to grease the skids into war.

The Soleimani ploy has apparently failed, however, thanks to the carefully
prepared Iranian response, which did not provoke Donald Trump to raise the
stakes further. At least not yet.

The fingerprints of Pompeo are all over this provocation to war. In a
striking parallel to the deception that accompanied the Gulf of Tonkin
crisis in 1964—in which the American public was told about an attack on a
U.S. ship that never happened, precipitating the Vietnam War—Pompeo and his
allies carried out a complex deception in regard to the Soleimani hit. They
claimed they had to kill the second most popular leader of Iran with no
advance notice to Congress because the Iranian general was planning a
massive attack that put the country in “imminent” danger. Trump officials
have so far not provided any evidence publicly to back up this version of
events. In fact, when briefed by DoD officials Wednesday
<https://thehill.com/policy/defense/477440-democrats-utterly-unpersuaded-by-evidence-behind-soleimani-strike>,
Democrats complained about the lack of hard evidence presented, leaving
them unconvinced there was an imminent threat. Republican Sen. Rand Paul,
R-KY., said the briefing was “less than satisfying.”
<https://thehill.com/homenews/senate/477424-rand-paul-mike-lee-rip-administration-over-insulting-and-demeaning-iran>

The deception accompanying Soleimani’s killing was just the latest in a
much longer string of efforts by Pompeo that began in September
2018.  That’s when Pompeo and then-National Security Advisor John Bolton
established the basic propaganda line that was used to sell the Soleimani
assassination. They claimed that a few mortar rounds in the vicinity of the
U.S. embassy and a consulate in Basra were evidence of an effort by Tehran
to kill or injure U.S. diplomats. Bolton then demanded the Pentagon come up
with retaliatory options if any Americans were harmed by any action of an
Iranian “proxy,” Pompeo issued a public threat to attack Iran over the
incidents.
<https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-iraq/u-s-pulls-diplomats-from-iraqi-city-citing-threats-from-iran-idUSKCN1M82NH>

But in fact those rockets landed a kilometer away from the U.S. Embassy in
the Green Zone where all foreign embassies are located, and that the one
that fell near the Basra airport’s outer perimeter was nowhere near the
U.S. consulate. And they were fired the same night that anti-Iran rioters
were setting fire to the Iranian consulate
<https://www.vox.com/world/2018/9/7/17831526/iraq-protests-basra-burning-government-buildings-iran-consulate-water>
in
Basra and shutting down the country’s only seaport, and at the same time
Sadrist protesters were rallying against the Iraqi government at the
entrance to the Green Zone
<https://www.rudaw.net/english/middleeast/iraq/200720182> in sympathy with
the anti-Iran protests.

In May 2019, Bolton claimed new “escalatory indications and warnings”
<https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/statement-national-security-advisor-ambassador-john-bolton-2/>
of
a threat to U.S. personnel in the Middle East and vowed, “[A]ny attack on
United States interests or on those of our allies will be met with
unrelenting force.”  He and Pompeo leaked to major news outlets that there
was intelligence about Iran ordering militia allies in the region to “target”
Americans
<https://www.nbcnews.com/news/military/u-s-officials-iran-official-ok-d-attacks-american-military-n1003421>.
But other officials who had seen the intelligence told the *Wall Street
Journal*
<https://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-spent-two-weeks-on-edge-over-irans-missile-boats-11559813523>
 that Tehran sent its allies a directive telling them to prepare for
possible attack by the United States.

The Bolton-Pompeo effort to lure Trump into a war with Iran faltered when
the president twice refused their advice to retaliate militarily over the
shoot-down of a U.S. drone and the drone attack on a key Saudi oil
facility. Bolton got fired in September, but Pompeo continued what they had
begun. On December 13, he condemned two attacks on a Iraqi military base
located near the Baghdad Airport on Dec. 7 and Dec. 9, in which two Iraqi
anti-terrorist troops were injured, and then added,
<https://www.state.gov/on-attacks-by-irans-proxies-in-iraq/> “We must also
use this opportunity to remind Iran’s leaders that any attacks by them, or
their proxies of any identity, that harm Americans, our allies, or our
interests will be answered with a decisive U.S. response.”

But the circumstances surrounding those rocket attacks made it unclear who
might have fired the two to four mortars or rockets at the Iraqi Security
Forces headquarters near Baghdad Airport, wounding two Iraqi
counter-terrorism personnel. Opponents of the government had just launched
new protests against repression of demonstrations by lethal forces by Iraqi
security forces, including anti-riot police, and Moqtada al Sadr, who had
been supporting the Iraqi government, but had just started to support the
demonstrators
<https://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2019/12/killed-central-baghdad-assailants-fire-live-rounds-191206190824237.html>.
It is entirely possible that Sadrist militiamen or other opponents of the
government had fired the rockets at the base in protest.

Two weeks later, on December 27, a rocket attack on the K1 Iraqi base near
Kirkuk killed an American contractor, as “Operation Inherent Resolve”
command confirmed
<https://www.cnn.com/2019/12/27/politics/iraq-rocket-attack-contractor-killed/index.html>.
The Trump administration immediately went into crisis mode, discussing both
killing Soleimani and retaliatory strikes against Kataib Hezbollah. But the
provenance of the event that triggered the fateful decisions that followed
is shrouded in ambiguity. As *The* *New York Times *reported on Dec. 27,
“It wasn’t clear who was responsible for the attack,” adding that the base
had been threatened previously
<https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/27/us/politics/american-rocket-attack-iraq.html>
by
both Iranian-backed militias and Islamic State forces.

The IS forces in the area of Kirkuk where the K1 base was located had
become increasingly active in 2018 and 2019, with a rapidly growing pace of
attacks
<https://www.csis.org/analysis/islamic-state-and-persistent-threat-extremism-iraq>,
operating freely out of the rugged mountainous north and south of the city.
In fact there had been more attacks by IS on government targets in Kirkuk
in 2018 than anywhere else in Iraq, and it had the highest rate of growth
as well.

To confirm the origins of the rockets might have taken some time, but
Pompeo wasn’t interested in waiting. Instead of taking on the
responsibility of investigating the incident thoroughly, the Pentagon and
the command of Operation Inherent Resolve turned that responsibility over
to the Iraqi Security Forces. If there was indeed an investigation that
turned up information indicating that Kataib Hezbollah was responsible, it
would certainly have been released publicly, but no further information on
the incident has been forthcoming from either Iraqi or U.S. commands. The
only specific information available has been a Reuters report
<https://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2019/12/27/world/middleeast/27reuters-iraq-security.html>
from
“security sources that Iraqi security forces had found a ‘launchpad’ for
Katyusha rockets in ‘an abandoned vehicle near the base,’” which further
deepened the mystery.

But it can be argued that Pompeo was eager for the United States to provoke
a military confrontation with Iran, just as Secretary of Defense Robert
McNamara was eager to begin airstrikes against North Vietnamese targets in
August 1964. Even though he knew there were serious doubts on the part of
the U.S. commander in the Gulf of Tonkin that an American ship had been
attacked by North Vietnamese patrol boats on Aug. 4, McNamara did not
inform President Lyndon Johnson, and went ahead with the order for
retaliatory strikes that night. Similarly, Pompeo apparently led Trump to
believe that there was no doubt that pro-Iranian militia forces had killed
an American in Kirkuk, despite the genuine uncertainty about the provenance
of the attack.

In the initial meeting with Trump to discuss retaliation for the Dec. 27
attack, Pompeo, Defense Secretary Mark Esper, and Joint Chiefs of Staff
Chairman Gen. Mark A. Milley presented the option of assassinating Gen.
Soleimani along with strikes against Kataib Hezbollah, which they were
blaming for the attack. According to *The New York Times,*
<https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/04/us/politics/trump-suleimani.html> the
principals suggested the “improbable” assassination option only to make the
retaliatory airstrikes more palatable. But considering Pompeo’s record of
pushing for a military confrontation with Iran, and everything he has said
publicly since, “taking Soleimani out” was probably Pompeo’s ultimate
objective.

The U.S. retaliatory strikes against the militia’s weapons storage sites
and other targets on Dec. 29 were nowhere near Kirkuk
<https://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-strikes-shiamilitia-targets-in-iraq-and-syria-11577642168>.
One of the strikes was against al Qaim on the Syrian border 400 kilometers
away from Kirkuk and two others were in Syria. It was obvious those
retaliatory strikes would provoke a response by pro-Iranian militias in
Baghdad that could be used to justify the assassination of Soleimani. And
the response was not long in coming: thousands of angry pro-Iranian Shiite
militants, many in militia uniforms, broke into the Embassy compound and
set fire to three trailers near the outer wall a reception area before
being ordered by militia leaders to disperse, because they had delivered
the desired “message.
<https://www.militarytimes.com/news/your-military/2019/12/31/iraqi-supporters-of-iran-backed-militia-attack-us-embassy/>
”

That was enough to persuade Trump to support the Soleimani assassination
option.  Pompeo had achieved his objective of U.S. military aggression,
while publicly making the obviously specious argument that it was aimed at
“deterring” Iran from further military actions. No one in the national
security elite, which was universally convinced that Iran would have to
retaliate against the assassination, took Pompeo’s argument seriously.

Iran is too clever, however, to allow Pompeo to so easily maneuver it into
a confrontation that would serve the interests of American hawks and
Israel. Iran has its own much more complex political-military strategy for
managing the problem of the Trump administration’s policy of economic and
military warfare. It now appears from the results of Iran’s military
retaliation Tuesday night that it has foregone any mass casualty strike in
revenge for the U.S. assassination of its second most prominent official.
And Trump, as yet, will not retaliate in response. Now Pompeo will have to
come up with a new deception to try to provoke U.S.-Iran war.

*Gareth Porter is an independent journalist and winner of the 2012 Gellhorn
Prize for journalism. He is the author of numerous books, including
*Manufactured
Crisis: The Untold Story of the Iran Nuclear Scare *(Just World Books,
2014).*

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