[rad-green] How national security mandarins groomed Pete Buttigieg and managed his future

*https://thegrayzone.com/2019/12/17/national-security-mandarins-groomed-pete-buttigieg/
<https://thegrayzone.com/2019/12/17/national-security-mandarins-groomed-pete-buttigieg/>The
Grayzone           December 17, 2019The insider: How national security
mandarins groomed Pete Buttigieg and managed his future*
Pledging to “end endless wars,” Pete Buttigieg claims he has “never been
part of the Washington establishment.” But years before he was known as
Mayor Pete, an influential DC network of military interventionists placed
him on an inside track to power.By Max Blumenthal

In his quest for front-runner status in the 2020 presidential campaign,
Pete Buttigieg has crafted an image for himself as a maverick running
against a broken establishment.

On the trail, he has invoked his distinction as the openly gay mayor of a
de-industrialized Rust Belt town, as well as his experience as a Naval
reserve intelligence officer who now claims to oppose “endless wars”.
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8y3s71dsDVs>  He insists that “there’s
energy for an outsider like me,” promoting himself as “an unconventional
candidate.”

When former Secretary of State John Kerry endorsed Joe Biden this December,
Buttigieg went full maverick
<https://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2019/12/05/buttigieg_john_kerrys_establishment_endorsement_of_biden_due_to_relationship_longer_than_ive_been_alive.html>.
“I have never been part of the Washington establishment,” he proclaimed,
“and I recognize that there are relationships among senators who have been
together on Capitol Hill as long as I’ve been alive and that is what it is.”

But a testy exchange between the South Bend mayor and Rep. Tulsi Gabbard
during a November 20 Democratic primary debate had already complicated
Buttigieg’s branding campaign.

Like Buttigieg, Gabbard was a military veteran of the 9/11 generation. But
she had taken an entirely different set of lessons from her grueling stint
in Iraq than “Mayor Pete.” Her campaign had become an anti-war crusade,
with opposition to destructive regime change wars serving as her leitmotif.

After ticking off her foreign policy credentials, Gabbard turned to
Buttigieg and lit into him for stating his willingness to send US troops to
Mexico
<https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article237463004.html>
to
crack down on drug cartels.

A visibly angry Buttigieg responded by accusing Gabbard of distorting his
record, then quickly deflected to Syria, where he has argued
<https://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2019/10/15/buttigieg_vs_gabbard_you_want_to_continue_to_have_our_country_involved_in_an_endless_regime_change_war_in_syria.html>
for
an indefinite deployment of occupying US troops.

Rehashing well-worn criticism of Gabbard for meeting with Syrian President
Bashar al-Assad during a diplomatic visit she took – her trip was devoted
to de-escalating the US-backed proxy war that had ravaged the country’s
population – Buttigieg attacked the congresswoman
<https://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2019/11/21/gabbard_vs_buttigieg_you_lack_the_courage_to_meet_with_both_adversaries_and_friends_to_ensure_peace.html>
for
engaging with a “murderous dictator.”

Throughout the exchange, Buttigieg appeared shaken, as though his sense of
inviolability had been punctured. Gabbard had clearly struck a vulnerable
point by painting the self-styled outsider as a conventional DC-style
politician unconsciously spouting interventionist bromides.

How could someone who served in the catastrophically wasteful US wars in
the Middle East, and who had seen their human toll, be reckless enough to
propose sending US troops to fight and possibly die in Mexico? “But Assad!”
was the best response he could muster.

The remarkable dust-up highlighted a side of the 37-year-old political
upstart that has been scarcely explored in mainstream US media accounts of
his rise to prominence. It revealed the real Buttigieg as a neoliberal
cadre whose future was carefully managed by the mandarins of the national
security state since almost the moment that he graduated from Harvard
University.

After college, the Democratic presidential hopeful took a gig with a
strategic communications firm founded by a former Secretary of Defense who
raked in contracts with the arms industry. He moved on to a fellowship at
an influential DC think tank described by its founder as “a counterpart to
the neoconservatives of the 1970s.” Today, Buttigieg sits on that think
tank’s board of advisors alongside some of the country’s most accomplished
military interventionists.

Buttigieg has reaped the rewards of his dedication to the Beltway playbook.
He recently became the top recipient of donations
<https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/08/2020-presidential-election-democratic-candidates-national-security-employees-contributions/>
from
staff members of the Department of Homeland Security, the State Department,
and the Justice Department – key cogs in the national security state’s
permanent bureaucracy.

His Harvard social network has been a critical factor in his rise as well,
with college buddies occupying key campaign roles as outside policy
advisors and strategists. Among his closest friends from school is today
the senior advisor of a specialized unit of the State Department focused on
fomenting regime change abroad.

That friend, Nathaniel “Nat” Myers, was Buttigieg’s traveling partner on a
trip to Somaliland, where the two buddies claimed to have been tourists in
a July 2008 article they wrote for The New York Times.

Their contribution to the paper was not any typical travelogue detailing a
whimsical safari. Instead, they composed a slick editorial that echoed the
Somaliland government’s call for recognition from the US government. It was
Buttigieg’s first foreign policy audition before a national audience.
A short, strange trip to Somaliland

Under public pressure for more transparency about his work at the
notoriously secretive McKinsey consulting firm, the Buttigieg campaign
released some background details this December. The disclosures
included a timeline
of his work for various clients
<https://twitter.com/danielstrauss4/status/1204542140304576512?s=21> that
stated he “stepped away from the firm during the late summer and fall of
2008 to help full-time with a Democratic campaign for governor in Indiana.”

How Buttigieg’s “full-time” role on that gubernatorial campaign took him on
a nearly 8,000-mile detour to Somaliland remains unclear.

Buttigieg and Nathaniel Myers spent only 24 hours in the autonomous region
of Somaliland. In that short time, they interviewed unnamed government
officials and faithfully relayed their pro-independence line back to the
American public in a July 2008 op-ed in the New York Times
<http://web.archive.org/web/20191216074656/https://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/31/opinion/31iht-edmyers.1.14914273.html>
.

[image: Pete Buttigieg New York Times Somaliland]

The column read like it could have been crafted by a public relations firm
on behalf of a government client. In one section, the two travelers wrote
that “the people we met in Somaliland were welcoming, hopeful and
bewildered by the absence of recognition from the West. They were
frustrated to still be overlooked out of respect for the sovereignty of the
failed state to their south.”

Since declaring its independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has
campaigned for recognition from the US, EU, and African Union. It even
offered to hand its deep water port over to AFRICOM, the US military
command structure on the African continent, in exchange for US acceptance
of its sovereignty.

Several months after Buttigieg traveled to the autonomous region, Al
Jazeera reported
<https://www.aljazeera.com/focus/2008/07/200871383754692.html>, “The
Somaliland government is trying to charm its way to global recognition.”

And just a few weeks before Buttigieg’s visit, the would-be republic inked
a contract with an international lobbying firm called Independent Diplomat
<https://efile.fara.gov/docs/5860-Exhibit-AB-20080403-2.pdf>, presumably to
help oversee that charm offensive.

Founded by a self-described anarchist named Carne Ross, Independent
Diplomat represents an array of non and para-state entities seeking
recognition on the international stage. Ross’s client list has included the
Syrian Opposition Coalition
<http://www.wrongkindofgreen.org/2016/01/18/the-nonprofit-industrial-complex-an-accessory-to-the-crime-of-imperialism/>,
which tried and failed to secure power through a Western-backed war against
the Syrian government
<https://thegrayzone.com/2019/09/24/the-syria-you-wont-see-max-blumenthal-on-visiting-damascus-after-the-proxy-war/>
.

Independent Diplomat did not respond to questions from The Grayzone about
whether it had any role in facilitating the trip Buttigieg and Myers took
to Somaliland.

According to John Kiriakou, a former CIA case officer, ex-senior
investigator for the Senate Intelligence Committee, and celebrated
whistleblower, Somaliland is an unusual destination for tourism.

“There really is nothing going on in Somaliland,” Kiriakou told The
Grayzone. “To say you go to Somaliland as a tourist is a joke to me. It’s
not a war-torn area but nobody goes there as a tourist.”

Kiriakou visited Somaliland in 2009 as part of an investigation for the
Senate Intelligence Committee on what he described as the phenomenon of
“blue-eyed” American citizens converting to Islam, traveling to Somalia and
Yemen for training with Salafi-jihadist groups, then returning home on
their US passports.

To reach Somaliland, Kiriakou said he took an arduous seven-hour journey
from the neighboring state of Djibouti. His junket was coordinated by the
US ambassador to Djibouti, a regional security officer of the US Diplomatic
Security Service, and an embassy attaché.

“It is not the easiest place to reach and there’s no business to do there,”
Kiriakou said.

Whether or not Buttigieg’s trip was coordinated without the assistance of
lobbyists, the trip offered him and Myers an opportunity to weigh in on
international affairs on the pages of the supposed newspaper of record –
and on an absolutely non-controversial issue.

In his bio, Nathaniel Myers identified himself simply as a “financial
analyst based in Ethiopia.” According to his resume, which is available
online at Linkedin, he was working at the time as a World Bank consultant
on governance and corruption.

By 2011, Myers had moved on from that neoliberal international financial
institution to a specialized government at the center of US regime change
operations abroad.
[image: Pete Buttigieg Nathaniel Myers]Pete Buttigieg on a pre-graduation
trip with his Harvard buddies. Nathaniel “Nat” Myers is to his immediate
left.The imperial social network

Nathaniel Myers’ relationship with the presidential hopeful began at
Harvard University. There, they formed two parts of “The Order of Kong,”
<https://www.bostonglobe.com/news/politics/2019/05/18/mayor-pete-and-order-kong-how-buttigieg-harvard-pals-helped-spur-his-rise-politics/mtwDwVYz0HMIgEZ01Apd6H/story.html>
a
close-knit group of political junkies named jokingly for the Chinese
restaurant they frequented after intensive discussion sessions at the
school’s Institute of Politics.

Like most members of the college-era “Order,” Myers and Buttigieg have
remained close. When the mayor married his longtime partner in 2018,
Buttigieg chose him as his best man.

Myers currently works <https://www.linkedin.com/in/ndmyers> as a senior
advisor for the United States Agency for International Development’s Office
of Transition Initiatives (USAID-OTI) in Washington DC. The OTI is a
specialized division of USAID that routinely works through contractors and
local proxies to orchestrate destabilization operations inside countries
considered insufficiently compliant to the dictates of Washington.

Wherever the US seeks regime change, it seems that USAID’s OTI is involved.
[image: Nathaniel Myers USAID Pete Buttigieg]The Linkedin page of close
Pete Buttigieg friend Nathaniel Myers

In a 2015 op-ed arguing for a loosening of bureaucratic restraints on
USAID’s participation in counter-terror operations, Myers revealed that he
had “specialized in programming in places like Yemen and Libya
<https://www.defenseone.com/business/2015/02/extremism-stop-talking-about-strategy-and-start-talking-about-execution/105456/>”
– two conflict zones destabilized by US-led regime-change wars. (Myers was
working as a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations at the time, but
would return to USAID’s OTI the following year.)

USAID’s OTI has also fueled Syria’s brutal proxy war, coordinating US
government assistance to supposed civil society groups like the White
Helmets
<https://thegrayzone.com/2016/10/02/white-helmets-us-military-intervention-regime-change-syria/>
that
were attached to the armed extremists
<https://thegrayzone.com/2017/05/23/video-white-helmets-executions-rebel-syria/>
who
ruled over portions of the country for several years.

In Venezuela, the OTI has spent tens of millions of dollars
<https://www.thenation.com/article/venezuela-washington-funded-counterrevolution/>
cultivating
and training opponents of the late President Hugo Chavez and his
successor, Nicolas
Maduro
<https://thegrayzone.com/2019/08/06/interview-venezuelan-president-nicolas-maduro/>.
It has done the same in Nicaragua, serving as the linchpin of a US effort
to “lay the groundwork for insurrection.”
<https://thegrayzone.com/2018/06/19/ned-nicaragua-protests-us-government/>

In Cuba, meanwhile, the OTI attempted to stir up civil unrest
<https://apnews.com/904a9a6a1bcd46cebfc14bea2ee30fdf> through a fake,
Twitter-style social media site called ZunZuneo, hoping to turn the public
against the country’s leftist government through coordinated flash mobs. To
populate the phony social media platform, the OTI contracted a DC-based
firm called Creative Associates that had illicitly obtained half a million
Cuban cellphone numbers.

USAID and Creative Associates attempted to place ZunZuneo into private hands
<https://www.rt.com/news/153980-cuban-twitter-us-program/> through a Miami
foundation called Roots of Hope, which was founded by students at Harvard
University. Twitter founder Jack Dorsey was even solicited
<https://apnews.com/904a9a6a1bcd46cebfc14bea2ee30fdf> by the State
Department to operate the platform. (Roots of Hope board member Raul Moas,
who personally trained ZunZuneo employees, is today the director of the
Knight Foundation
<https://www.miaminewtimes.com/news/miami-knight-foundation-head-worked-on-secret-project-to-spark-revolution-in-cuba-10020196>
.)

The devious operation and its eventual exposure revealed the extent to
which covert operations historically associated with the CIA had been
outsourced to private contractors and NGOs.

And the role of the Harvard-founded “Roots of Hope” in the scheme
demonstrated how much USAID and its contractors depended on the same Ivy
League talent pool that produced Buttigieg and Myers.

A lengthy paper Myers authored for the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace
<https://carnegieendowment.org/2015/09/02/hard-aid-foreign-aid-in-pursuit-of-short-term-security-and-political-goals-pub-61145>
in
2015 indicated that he had special knowledge of the ZunZuneo scheme and had
been invested in its success.

Myers took the journalists who exposed the USAID-OTI program to task,
claiming that “individual grants were pulled out of context and described
as failures without heed to their actual goals,” provoking an unfair
“Capitol Hill pillorying.”

He lamented that the exposure of covert programs like these had forced
USAID officials to pursue “the opposite of the programming most likely to
produce real impact in a hard aid environment.” In other words, fear of
public scrutiny had complicated efforts to subvert societies targeted by
the US for regime change – and he didn’t like it one bit.

To Syracuse University professor of African American studies Horace
Campbell, youthful cadres like Myers were a symptom of the American
university’s transformation into a neoliberal training ground.

“Many idealistic graduates from elite centers such as the Kennedy School of
Government at Harvard University, the Maxwell School of Citizenship of
Syracuse University or the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and
International Affairs at Princeton University among others had been
seduced” into careers with USAID contractors like Creative Associates,
Chemonics, and McKinsey, Campbell lamented in a lengthy 2014 survey of the
OTI’s sordid record
<https://www.counterpunch.org/2014/05/02/the-office-of-transition-initiatives-and-the-subversion-of-societies/>
.

“It has been painful,” the professor wrote, “to see the ways in which the
so called NGO initiatives have been refined over the past twenty years to
support neoliberalism and to depoliticize idealistic students.”

Campbell’s comments painted a clear portrait of Myers, who earned his
master’s degree at Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School on his way towards
becoming a “hard aid” specialist at USAID.

They also captured the psychology of Buttigieg, who celebrated Bernie
Sanders as a hero
<https://www.jfklibrary.org/learn/education/profile-in-courage-essay-contest/past-winning-essays/2000-winning-essay-by-peter-buttigieg>
when
he was a high school senior, and spoke out against the Iraq war
<https://web.archive.org/web/20191113214858/https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/07/29/how-pete-buttigieg-went-war-protester-packing-my-bags-afghanistan/?arc404=true>
as
a Harvard junior before being absorbed into the culture of McKinsey and DC
institutions like the Truman Center.
The Truman show

When Pete Buttigieg made his journey to Somaliland in 2008, he had just
earned a fellowship at the Truman Center, a Washington-based think tank
that provided a steppingstone for national security-minded whiz kids like
him to leadership positions in the Democratic Party.

Buttigieg likely earned the fellowship after answering an ad like the one the
Truman Center published on the website of the Harvard Law School Student
Government in 2010
<http://blogs.harvard.edu/studentgov/2010/02/22/truman-national-security-project/>.
Soliciting applicants for its security fellowship, the center declared that
it was seeking “exceptionally accomplished and dedicated men and women who
share President Truman’s belief in muscular internationalism, and who
believe that strong national security and strong liberal values are not
antagonistic, but are two sides of the same coin.”

This was not the first time Buttigieg had dipped his toes into Washington’s
national security swamp. After graduating from Harvard, he worked at the
Cohen Group, a consulting firm founded by former Secretary of Defense
William Cohen that maintained an extensive client list within the arms
industry <http://www.cohengroup.net/practice/aerospace-defense>. (As The
Grayzone reported
<https://thegrayzone.com/2019/04/13/us-military-attack-venezuela-trump-csis-invasion/>,
the Cohen Group has been intimately involved in the Trump administration’s
bungling regime change attempt in Venezuela).

But it was Buttigieg’s fellowship at the Truman Center that placed him on
the casting couch before the Democratic Party’s foreign policy mandarins.

[image: Pete Buttigieg Truman Center]

A Tablet Magazine profile
<https://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/81255/truman-doctrine> of
Truman Center founder Rachel Kleinfeld described her as a “gatekeeper and
ringleader” whose network of former fellows spanned Congress and the Obama
administration’s National Security Council. Her career trajectory mirrored
Buttigieg’s.

She had earned degrees at elite institutions (Yale and Oxford, where
Buttigieg pursued his Rhodes scholarship) before accepting a job at a
private contractor, Booz Allen Hamilton, that performed an array of
services for the US military
<https://www.thenation.com/article/five-corporations-now-dominate-our-privatized-intelligence-industry/>
 and  private spying
<https://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/07/us/booz-allen-hamilton-nsa.html> for
intelligence agencies.

Kleinfeld’s boss at the company was James Woolsey, the neoconservative
former CIA director who has lobbied aggressively for US military assaults
on Iraq and Iran
<https://thinkprogress.org/james-woolsey-anything-that-is-related-to-iran-regime-is-fair-game-for-attack-d1e93e28c986/>
.

According to Tablet, “Woolsey positioned Kleinfeld to work on sensitive
government projects the company was pursuing in the wake of the Sept. 11
attacks, including one that involved working as a researcher for the
military’s Defense Science Board, investigating information-sharing between
intelligence and law-enforcement agencies.”

When Kleinfeld founded her think tank in 2005, she named it for the
president who oversaw the detonation of nuclear bombs on two Japanese
cities, threats of another nuclear assault on North Korea and the killing
of 20 percent
<https://thegrayzone.com/2017/08/10/pundits-trump-north-korea-mattis-genocidal-threats/>
of
that country’s population. The Truman doctrine, which called for
“containing” the Soviet Union through internal destabilization and
relentless pressure on its periphery, was the basis of Washington’s Cold
War policy. (Following Kleinfeld’s lead, Buttigieg named one of his two pet
dogs Truman <https://twitter.com/firstdogsSB/status/1166118875748032512>).

“We decided there really was a need to create a movement of Democrats to
stand up for these ideas and to really start to think about it, very much
as a counterpart to the neoconservatives of the 1970s,” she told the Forward
<https://forward.com/news/israel/3589/putting-national-security-on-the-democratic-agenda/>
at
the time.

To fill the center’s board of advisors
<http://trumancenter.org/about/board-leadership-staff/>, Kleinfeld
assembled a cast of Democratic foreign policy heavyweights whose
accomplishments included the devastation of entire countries through regime
change wars.

Among the most notable Truman advisors were Madeleine Albright, the author
of NATO’s destruction of Yugoslavia and president of an influence-peddling
operation
<https://theintercept.com/2016/05/25/hillary-clinton-debbie-wasserman-schultz-pick-corporate-influence-peddlers-to-guide-dnc-platform/>
known
as the Albright Stonebridge Group; the late Council on Foreign Relations
President Les Gelb, who once proposed dividing Iraq
<https://www.cfr.org/interview/gelb-federalism-most-promising-way-end-civil-war-iraq>
into
three federal districts along sectarian lines; former Department of
Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano, who oversaw record levels of
migrant deportations
<https://www.dailycal.org/2013/07/16/against-the-napolitano-nomination/>;
and Anne-Marie Slaughter, the former State Department Policy Planning
Director who conceived the Responsibility To Protect (R2P) doctrine deployed
<https://foreignpolicy.com/2011/02/24/anne-marie-slaughter-tweets-call-for-intervention-in-libya/>
by
the Obama administration to justify NATO’s disastrous intervention in Libya
and drum up another one
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/syrian-intervention-is-justifiable-and-just/2012/06/08/gJQARHGjOV_story.html>
against
Syria.

“The Truman Project mobilizes Democrats who serve the conventional
interventionist agenda,” journalist Kelly Vlahos wrote
<http://original.antiwar.com/vlahos/2012/04/23/how-think-tanks-think/>.
“Beyond that, they are part of a broader orbit of not so dissimilar foot
soldiers on the other side of the aisle.”

Buttigieg listed his fellowship at the Truman Center
<https://www.tribstar.com/news/local_news/treasurer-hopeful-eyes-job-growth/article_e8e58a35-1512-5858-bfba-bd913f45c3d1.html>
as
one of the credentials that qualified him for Indiana State Treasurer when
he ran for the position in 2010.

Though he lost in a landslide, Buttigieg won election as mayor of South
Bend the following year. “Mayor Pete” had not only secured his future in
the Democratic Party, he had won a place in its foreign policy pantheon
with a seat on the Truman Center’s advisory board.
<http://trumancenter.org/in-the-news/wndu-mayor-buttigieg-named-to-national-security-organizations-board/>
Balancing opposition to “endless wars” with support for new ones?

This July 11, Buttigieg rolled out his foreign policy platform in a carefully
scripted appearance
<https://peteforamerica.com/videos/national-security-new-era/> at Indiana
University. Introduced by Lee Hamilton, a former Indiana congressman who
was a fixture on the House Foreign Affairs and Intelligence Committees,
Buttigieg blended a call to “end endless wars” with Cold War bluster
directed at designated enemies.

Before an auditorium packed with the national press, he rattled off one of
the more paranoid talking points of the Russiagate era, blaming President
Vladimir Putin for fueling racism inside the US.
<https://twitter.com/RachelKleinfeld/status/1138472478525648896> He then
attacked Trump for facilitating peace talks in Korea, slamming the
president for exchanging “love letters” with “a brutal dictator,” referring
to North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un.

More recently, Buttigieg’s campaign pledged
<https://www.militarytimes.com/news/pentagon-congress/2019/11/18/military-times-questionnaire-mayor-pete-buttigieg/>
to
“balance our commitment to end endless wars with the recognition that total
isolationism is self-defeating in the long run.” This was the sort of
Beltway doublespeak that defined the legacy of Barack Obama, another
youthful, self-styled outsider from the Midwest who campaigned on his
opposition to the Iraq war, only to sign off on more calamitous wars in the
Middle East after he entered the White House.

On the presidential campaign trail, “Mayor Pete” has done his best to paper
over the instincts he inherited from his benefactors among the national
security state. But as the campaign drags on, his interventionist
tendencies are increasingly exposed. Having padded his resume in America’s
longest and most futile wars, he may be poised to extend them for a new
generation to fight.

*Max Blumenthal is an award-winning journalist and the author of several
books, including best-selling Republican Gomorrah
<https://www.amazon.com/Republican-Gomorrah-Inside-Movement-Shattered/dp/1568584172>,
Goliath
<https://www.amazon.com/Goliath-Life-Loathing-Greater-Israel/dp/1568586345>,
The
Fifty One Day War
<https://www.amazon.com/51-Day-War-Ruin-Resistance/dp/156858511X>, and The
Management of Savagery
<https://www.versobooks.com/books/2868-the-management-of-savagery>. He has
produced print articles for an array of publications, many video reports,
and several documentaries, including Killing Gaza
<https://killinggaza.com/>. Blumenthal founded The Grayzone in 2015 to
shine a journalistic light on America’s state of perpetual war and its
dangerous domestic repercussions.*

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