Protesting the FTAA in Quebec City
Kendall Clark <kendall-4GNy1lrxftmrG/[email protected]>
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A report from Dallas activists protesting the FTAA in
Quebec City.
Protesting the FTAA in Quebec City
By Kendall Clark
From 19 to 22 April, in French-speaking Quebec City, Canada, the
[1]Summit of the Americas, a production of the [2]Organization of
American States, will meet to discuss the proposed Free Trade Area
of the Americas (FTAA) agreement, a multilateral composite of NAFTA
and WTO, extended to cover all of North and South America.
Corporate media editorials about the Summit in Quebec City will
cluster around two principal themes: (1) How the FTAA will make the
world a better, more democratic, more prosperous place; and (2) How
-- pick any three -- confused, ignorant, obscurantist, racist,
Luddite, mean, evil, nasty, leftist, fascist, violent, naive, or
manipulated the protesters are.
The Summit of the Americas is being met by a vigorous, diverse
coalition of citizen's groups which oppose the FTAA and neoliberal,
corporation-centric globalization generally. If you're just getting
up to speed, the basic reality grounding the antiglobalization
protest movement is understood easily enough.
1. Antiglobalization protest movement in one paragraph
Citizens of democratic states possess democratic rights. Whenever
those rights are trampled, some of these citizens, putting aside
jobs and families and projects, protest the institutions they
hold responsible for the trampeling. And those institutions, as
fierce defenders of the unjust, inequitable status quo, use the
practically limitless state resources at their disposal to ensure
that the redress of grievances not only fails but is seen clearly
to fail. Thus radically incommensurable notions of democracy play
out in a social field of radically asymmetrical relations of
power, privilege, and access.
2. But the real world is complicated...
As Whitehead said, seek simplicity, then mistrust it; things are a
bit more complex than can be put in one paragraph. At least two
complicating factors are relevant here: NGOs and the institutions of
globalization themselves.
First, NGO participation in institutions like the WTO and OAS
complicate things. Many NGOs are otherwise perfectly good civil
organizations devoted to securing and sustaining democratic rights;
but most of them are reformist in their outlook, which means they
want to work within the framework of the status quo to improve
conditions. Most citizens and organizations in the protest movement
are not reformists but radicals who work to fundamentally alter the
the status quo and the framework. Both forces for change, reformist
and radical, are likely helpful, since they're likely to be
effective at different times: reformers in the short run, radicals
in the long. Both are helpful, that is, as long as both remain
forces for change, not just self-reproducing entities.
Second, the sometimes decent and good -- or, at the least, the mixed
-- intentions of individuals that constitute the OAS, WTO, World
Bank, and IMF are ideological complications. If everything they did
and said were horrible, organizing a mass movement to oppose
globalization would be much simpler. But the World Bank and IMF talk
regularly now about poverty reduction, democracy, goodness, and
light -- the point isn't whether they intend well, however, but how
such talk muddies the waters and makes the creation of a mass
antiglobalization movement more difficult. The OAS regularly passes
fine resolutions about important, unobjectionable things like
"Integrating a Gender perspective in the Summits of the Americas"
and the like. Well, who could be against that? Certainly not the
protest movement, which is highly gender integrated.
The pessmistic view is that NGOs are being co-opted, giving
credibility to fundamentally corrupt institutions. Maybe so, maybe
not. My view is that these fundamentally misguided institutions
already have credibility to spare and that good faith NGO engagement
must be predicated on the likelihood of short and medium term
reformist gains. The point about credibility only matters when the
result of NGO withdrawal from, say, the WTO or OAS would be the loss
of all credibility; in the present situation, I don't see how that's
the case.
So, one might say, the institutions of globalization are separated
from the antiglobalization protest movement by radically
incommensurable notions of democracy; by which I mean that one
should take the OAS and WTO and all the rest of the neoliberal
globalization advocates at their word: they are not all evil
overlords.
What they are is dead wrong about what constitutes democracy and its
flourishing; improperly oriented to Western, transnational
corporation-centric models of international development; erroneously
committed to capitalism as the only possible arrangement of social
and economic forces; fiercely defensive of an ordering of values,
reinforced by the status quoe, and out of which status quo proceeds,
an ordering in which corporate profits for some people are more
valuable than food, water, shelter, and meaningful work for everyone
else, and the like. They are, in short, substantively wrong, both on
the issues and on the framework of assumptions within which the
issues find expression and meaning.
3. What's at stake in Quebec City?
What reception plans are being made for citizens enacting democratic
rights? An area of Quebec City has been made over into an armed
encampment. The OAS and the state security forces it appears to
command are obsessed with borders and border lines, inners and
outers, drawing lines around pockets within which democratic rights
have no force; but also drawing borders around borders and around
the walls and lines that mark the inner border from the outer. It's
all quite dizzying, of course, but we will already have met the
strange, oddening permiabilities of some borders when we've met the
radical critique of neoliberal globalization. Capital flows across
borders; or, rather, capital flows now irrespective of borders, it
flows in channels of pure electronic gibberish over which borders
have no ply. But people, who have the right -- according to Article
13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights -- to cross borders
are being denied that right in order to protect the free flow of
capital and those global elites who benefit from it.
4. Protesting the FTAA in Quebec City
The following account comes from Cliff Pearson, a Dallas activist
and Green Party leader.
After several hours in the air, an already long trip was made
much longer by our seemingly endless interrogation by Canadian
Customs and Immigration officials.
It was 12:30 p.m. on Thursday, April 19, 2001 and my traveling
companion and friend, Mike Moren, and I were ready to hit the
road in our rental car and head to Quebec City. We had made the
journey to Quebec from Dallas to protest the FTAA along with many
others: progressive groups, trade unions, environmentalists, etc.
But the Canadian government had other plans.
Mike and I were separated and taken to an office and quizzed
thoroughly for over an hour. We were asked several times if we
were planning to go to a protest or "make a manifestation" in
Quebec City. The official wanted to know our exact travel plans,
whether we had jobs, details of our personal lives, if we had
ever been to court as defendants; basically if we were going to
be trouble.
After finally convincing the Canadian Immigration official that
we were just two nice, respectable young Americans coming to
visit the fair city of Montreal, we were on our way to the
Customs baggage claim area. Here we would have it easier, or so
we thought.
The Customs agent made Mike and me open our luggage, and he
proceeded to hand search it all very carefully. I couldn't
possibly understand why the individual items in my suitcase were
so interesting to him, but somewhere in Quebec there is a Customs
agent who knows what kind of underwear I wear.
During this debacle, I kept thinking, "where are my civil rights?
Isn't Canada supposed to be a democratic country? Aren't they
supposed to be more enlightened than the U.S.? What are they
afraid of?" Other young people had it even worse than we did. It
seemed that every person who looked under 30, who was on our
flight, was being treated to the same repressive routine.
One man was denied entry to Canada because buried deep in his
luggage were printouts from an anti-FTAA Web site. Another man
was harassed with repetitive questions about whether he was going
to Quebec City. His persistent denials were just as persistently
ignored.
It's now Friday, April 20, the following day. I'm covering a
media position at the CMAQ -- [3]Quebec Independent Media Center.
In sharp contrast to the harassment we faced with Customs, many
things about the atmosphere here are very different, so far, from
the last few large protests I've been at, particularly Washington
and Philadelphia.
The police are nowhere to be seen. At the protest of the
Republican National Convention in Philadelphia last August, and
at the protest of the IMF and World Bank in Washington, D.C. last
year, the police presence was overwhelming. There were
soldier-cops in riot gear at every street corner. The police had
set up many road blocks. But here, except for a few plainclothes
guys taking an occasional picture, we've seen virtually no
police.
The Canadian activists tell us that all the cops are at the
security perimeter where the protest is going to take place. At
last count, there were 9,000 cops at this two-mile-long,
10-foot-tall steel and concrete wall. The officers are armed with
$5,000 riot gear suits and $2,000 Arwen rifles that fire plastic
or rubber bullets, tear gas, or metal "bean bags".
It seems that the Canadian authorities are walking a tight rope
between two extremes. On the one hand, they want to prevent
disruptions of the protest, and do so with effective police
tactics -- even if that means being severely repressive. But on
the other hand they want to show that they are "better" than
Americans who brutalize and abuse their prisoners, violate civil
rights at the drop of a hat, execute their convicts, and
(incomprehensibly) don't provide universal health care.
Mike and I, under Canadian law, have more civil rights in Canada
then we do in America, which has led to defection jokes. For
example, in Canada going limp upon arrest is not considered
resisting arrest. It could be so construed under American law. In
Canada we have to be taken before a judge within 24 hours of
arrest according to the Canadian Charter of Government, but this
is not so in the U.S. Also, under Canadian law, a person can be
held for disturbing the peace "for less than 24 hours," but they
can't be charged with a crime because it isn't a crime. Detention
for disturbing the peace in Canada is merely to restore the
peace. Detention is done just to quiet people down.
Additionally, the people of Canada and Quebec City in particular
don't want to be remembered by history as the place where the
largest police preventive measure in North American history ever
took place. Public opinion in Quebec City seems to be very
pro-protesters. Those who defy the security perimeter, according
to the police, will be taken to Quebec City's Orsainville
penitentiary, which has been emptied of its entire prison
population to make room for protesters. This has many local
citizens upset as well. It is, to them, decidedly undemocratic.
These sentiments are reflected by some of the legal authorities
as well. The Quebec provincial prosecutors have said that they
will not allow the holding of protesters on trumped-up charges,
and that they won't allow any violations of the civil rights of
the protesters, whether they are Canadians or not. This is good
news. Can you imagine an American district attorney saying she or
he won't seek the death penalty or jail protesters despite local
political pressure? The Quebec provincial prosecutors are being
pressured to be harsh with the protesters, but they have so far
refused, citing their commitment to civil rights and to the
Charter of Government.
As a final note, let me say that the CMAQ is, by far, the best
organized and most professional Independent Media Center I've
seen. The staff are completely bilingual, and as we use the
computer workstations they've provided us, they make frequent
news bulletins to us via loudspeakers. In addition to the
computers and Internet area, they have provided a video editing
area, and are operating a low power FM radio station that
broadcasts hourly news updates in French and English for all
protesters.
The CMAQ has just announced that a large crowd has gathered near
the security perimeter. We are off to investigate and to
participate. More information as it comes in.
5. Further Information
Longtime Monkeyfister, Dru Jay, is also in Quebec City; stay tuned
for his reports and photos from Quebec City.
For further information, consult the following sites.
* [4]http://www.a22buffalo.org/
* [5]http://www.a20.org/
* [6]http://www.stopftaa.org/
* [7]http://www.tradewatch.org/FTAA/factsheet.htm
* [8]http://www.tao.ca/~stopftaa
* [9]http://www.soaw-ne.org/FTAAGuide.html
* [10]http://www.quebec2001.net/
* [11]http://www.tao.ca/~cobp/guess-what.html
* [12]http://www.quebec.indymedia.org/
* [13]http://www.summit-americas.org/
References
1. http://www.summit-americas.org/eng/quebecsummit.htm
2. http://www.oas.org/
3. http://www.quebec.indymedia.org/
4. http://www.a22buffalo.org/
5. http://www.a20.org/
6. http://www.stopftaa.org/
7. http://www.tradewatch.org/FTAA/factsheet.htm
8. http://www.tao.ca/~stopftaa
9. http://www.soaw-ne.org/FTAAGuide.html
10. http://www.quebec2001.net/
11. http://www.tao.ca/~cobp/guess-what.html
12. http://www.quebec.indymedia.org/
13. http://www.summit-americas.org/
--
Posted on Monkeyfist at http://monkeyfist.com/articles/751