The Global Privileges of Whitness
Kendall Clark <kendall-4GNy1lrxftmrG/[email protected]>
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White supremacist ideology and White privilege are global in reach and in aspiration. I examine three nodes in the global distribution network of White privilege: empire, corporate profits, and victimhood.
(http://monkeyfist.com/articles/764)
The Global Privileges of Whitness
By Kendall Clark
Whiteness is ownership of the earth. -- W.E.B. Du Bois
I use the term white supremacy ... I intend a latitudinarian
conception, one that encompasses de facto and de jure white
privilege and refers more broadly to the European domination of
the planet that has left us with the racialized distributions of
economic, political, and cultural power that we have today. We
could call it global white supremacy. -- Charles W. Mills,
``Revisionist Ontologies: Theorizing White Supremacy,'' in
Blackness Visible
The average White American's attitudes about race and racism are a
mixture of self-congratulation and defensiveness -- ``Yes, America
has had some episodes of racism and racial bias, but that's all
clearly in the past.'' In truth, White racism hasn't gone anywhere.
Its tenor and tone have evolved; now it's expressed in carefully
coded messages rather than in crudely overt themes. White racism,
and the White supremacist ideology it reflects, and the network of
White privilege it maintains, are alive and well.
Racist expressions of White supremacist ideology maintain three
particular nodes in the vast network of White privilege: White
empire, White corporate profits, and aggrieved White victimhood.
The Maintenance of Empire
With a model [1]constitution and [2]Truth & Reconciliation
Commission, which the US desperately needs to implement, South
Africa seems to be the exemplar of struggling with the post-colonial
condition. But it faces obstacles, including a horrifying struggle
with AIDS and Western-dictated structural adjustment programs, which
are demanded as preconditions of expanded trade relations,
development loans, etc.
Later this year, the United Nations will convene a [3]global
conference on racism in Durban, SA. One might reasonably expect,
given the shape of African colonial history, that central to the
conference's agenda is a discussion of reparations for colonialism
and the lave trade.
But as The Independent's Alex Smith [4]reported on 12 June 2001,
during SA President Mbeki's visit with newly-elected Tony Blair,
Mbeki was reminded that one of the ongoing privileges of White
Empire is its careful, unblinking avoidance of any responsibility
for past horrors. Blair isn't so much refusing responsibility as
refusing to acknowledge that there's anything to take responsibility
for. Smith reports that at the racism conference, European countries
will apologize for colonial exploitation, but Blair warned Mbeki
that such apologies cannot be used by African countries to press
claims of reparation. A formal apology means nothing when the very
idea of reparations is ruled off-limits. An apology which cannot be
the basis of subsequent, morally appropriate action, such as
reparations, is not an apology at all; it's merely words in the
verbal form of an apology, signifying nothing but a churlish display
of White privilege.
It's not only Tony Blair who mans the ramparts of White empire.
Other European colonial powers and the US have threatened to scuttle
the UN conference by sending "junior delegations", if, as Smith puts
it, "the issue of compensation for the ills of slavery is allowed to
dominate the agenda" (where "dominate the agenda" means, roughly,
"appear on the agenda").
That such refusal is an exercise of White privilege is made
perfectly obvious by another sentence in Smith's report: "Britain,
which claims its views are in line with other European countries,
says it wants to look forwards, not back." That is, White Europe and
America will make the determination of what constitutes an
appropriate moral response to colonial horrors like the
international slave trade. No Africans need apply. The victims have
nothing to say about the matter.
Not content to rest with an injurious, boastful display of the
privilege of White empire, Smith reports that the British Foreign
Office hastens to add this insult: "'The African group [in Geneva]
has put forward a position which makes extensive reference to the
historical slave trade. But no one wants a retrospective conference.
It is important for international anti-racism mechanisms to be made
more effective. We are looking to address contemporary issues.'"
Not only will White people be the sole determinant -- note the
nullifying claim that "no one wants a retrospective conference";
Africans simply do not count -- of what is or is not true, of what
is or is not morally appropriate, but White people will unilaterally
be so in the guise of being ``effectively anti-racist''. Thus is
reached the pinnacle achievement of propaganda, the total inversion
of truth. Asserting White privilege is effectively anti-racist, and
justice for African peoples is an impediment.
The Protection of Corporate Profits
Empire is the servant of corporate (that is, private) profit. Such
was the case with European colonial empires, and such is the case
with the neocolonial corporate empire that bestrides the planet
today. Just as White supremacist ideology was developed, in part, as
a justification for European colonial Empire and, particularly, the
slave trade, one of its chief uses today is to justify and protect
White corporate profits. And that's perfectly clear in the case of
American drug companies and the African AIDS pandemic.
As Bob Hebert wrote in a recent column, Andrew Natsios, Bush's
choice to [5]head the US Agency for International Development, is
busy spreading White supremacist ideology to protect corporate
profits. It makes no sense, Natsios claims, for US drug companies to
make drugs freely or cheaply available to combat AIDS in Africa
because Africans
don't know what Western time is. You have to take these (AIDS)
drugs a certain number of hours each day, or they don't work.
Many people in Africa have never seen a clock or a watch their
entire lives. And if you say, one o'clock in the afternoon, they
do not know what you are talking about. They know morning, they
know noon, they know evening, they know the darkness at night.
And it isn't just Natsios; an "unnamed senior Treasury Department
official" made the same point in April, according to Herbert.
The Bush administration asks us to believe that the perfectly
reasonable idea that record drug company profits should be
subordinate to ameliorating the AIDS pandemic in Africa is actually
absurd since Africans aren't sufficiently human to follow a drug
regime. And let's make no mistake: to claim that an entire continent
of human persons cannot follow a drug regime is to claim that they
are not actually human persons at all. Or worse since some animals
might be taught to follow simple drug regimes. The clear implication
of Natsios' claim is that Africans are less than human. Further, he
seems to know nothing about Africa, which contains many large urban
populations where people can tell time perfectly well. Does Natsios
believe everyone in Africa lives in a jungle hut?
All of which begs the question of drug companies and dispensing
agencies finding some other mechanism -- a [6]simple kinetic-powered
device that chimes each time a medicine must be ingested comes
easily to mind -- by which to help people in rural areas, where life
is lived by agrarian rhythms more than by clocks, to follow drug
regimes. Surely the head of US AID should be required to know that
Africa is full of urban metropolises, that rural areas are less
clock-bound than urban areas, and that there's nothing unique about
Africa in this regard.
The Privileges of Victimhood
The oppressive ideal is for White privilege to be so deeply embedded
and entwined in the social order that it's hard to see and so hard
to fight. One way to make White privilege invisible is to create a
kind of cult of aggrieved White victimhood. If White people are
victims (of affirmative action's so-called reverse racism), the real
claims of people of color and of women will make little sense. False
claims of oppression dilute the force of real claims. White
aggrieved victimhood is a smoke screen for White privilege.
The American cult of aggrieved White victimhood has been
strengthened by representations of the Oklahoma City Bombing, a
tragedy enshrined by the White corporate media as "the worst act of
terrorism on U.S. soil." According to the media, the victims and the
institutions that McVeigh attacked were White, which is not to
diminish the deaths of people of color in OKC, but only to recognize
that the federal government is largely a White institution, and that
the media face of the Oklahoma City Bombing has been almost
exclusively a White face.
But by any objective measure the [7]1921 Tulsa Race Riot was a worse
act of domestic terrorism than the Oklahoma City Bombing: 300 people
killed (90% of whom were black), 1,400 homes destroyed, the
Greenwood district of Tulsa, a thriving black community, devastated.
Most White people simply cannot hear that as race-rioting by Whites,
but that's what happened. It's crass and rather absurd to compare
the dimensions of human tragedy, but the White corporate media
started the quantification game, and if they're going to play it,
they should be made to play it fairly.
These media representations have reinforced White privilege in two
ways. First, by obscuring the responsibility for the terrorism of
the Tulsa Race Riots, the White privilege of avoiding responsibility
for harms is reaffirmed. Second, by claiming a false sui generis
status for the Bombing, White victims are taken seriously and black
ones are ignored, made invisible. The effect is to make White
privilege invisible because papered over by a false picture of the
world in which black victims of one of the worst domestic terrorist
attacks in American history (and countless other black and Native
American victims of White genocidal violence) are denied any
semblance of justice; where the White power structure that committed
such an act evades responsibility; and where White victims and
institutions are meant to be seen as under attack, both by
terrorists like McVeigh and, less dramatically, by the claims of
those, primarily people of color and women, who "falsely" claim to
be victims of oppression.
The Bombing has been a matter of intense governmental and media
attention in order to reinforce the invisibility of White privilege
and the worthlessness of black lives. The Tulsa Race Riot has
disappeared down the memory hole because, as a horrific assertion of
White privilege, it too reinforces the status quo, but in a way
that's far too visible. The same forces that urged public
broadcasting of McVeigh's execution and lamented that he could not
legally be tortured to death demand that, when women and people of
color press their legitimate claims for justice, White America is
under siege from a "victim culture". The message is clear: anything
to satisfy White victims, but for the survivors of the Tulsa Race
Riots and countless others, nothing but the back of the hand. The
cult of aggrieved White victimhood is angry and jealous and will
acknowledge no other victims before it.
As an antiracist White American, I have been accustomed to thinking
of race and race privilege in terms of the American experience. But
radical black thinkers like Delany, Du Bois, C.L.R. James, Fanon,
and others have always understood that the White supremacist power
structure is a global structure. White privilege is a global
privilege, backed by a global ideology of White supremacy. It must
be seen, understood, and opposed globally.
References
1. http://www.polity.org.za/govdocs/constitution/saconst.html
2. http://www.truth.org.za/
3. http://www.un.org/WCAR/
4. http://www.independent.co.uk/story.jsp?dir=1&story=77564&host=1&printable=1
5. http://www.usaid.gov/press/releases/2001/pr010427.html
6. http://www.freeplay.net/newsite/product/gsw.html
7. http://www.ok-history.mus.ok.us/trrc/trrc.htm
--
Posted on Monkeyfist at http://monkeyfist.com/articles/764