Re: Criticizing Cornel
Kendall Clark <kendall-4GNy1lrxftmrG/[email protected]> Tue, 12 Feb 2002 17:31:42 -0600
| Newsgroups | gmane.politics.leftists.monkeyfist |
|---|---|
| Message-ID | <[email protected]> |
>>>>> "msf22" == msf22 <[email protected]> writes: msf22> Mr. Clark, i was just wondering if you could expound on your msf22> assertion that most if not all white americans past their msf22> early teens are racist. what do you mean by racist, and what msf22> socialization are you referring to specifically. Sure, I'd be happy to do so. First, I grant that this paragraph I wrote isn't *super* clear... msf22> "However, since you seem so concerned with my views, I will msf22> say that I think Bush *is* a racist, if for no other reason msf22> -- and there are other reasons, perhaps many of them -- than msf22> that he's White, and I think that most, if not *all* White msf22> Americans, over, say, the age of 13 or 14, are racist (or msf22> have been socialized to be, and it's very rare for a person msf22> individually to resist that process), unless they've msf22> otherwise rigorously and reflectively worked to rid msf22> themselves, insofar as possible, of racist beliefs, msf22> attitudes, values, and political commitments." Okay, here's what I meant. (And mostly here I'm just trying to make clear to myself what I meant and mostly just following Marilyn Frye's *The Politics of Reality*.) By racism I mean something like systematic social, political, and economic oppression of a racially-identified social group. By racist I mean a moral agent which passively or actively supports that system of oppression.[1] Such systematic social oppression often (always? must? can?) implies an ideology of the supremacy of the oppressing racially-identified group, which itself implies (or is implied by?) an ideology of the inferiority of the oppressed racially-identified group. Such oppression is created and maintained and extended by the social expression of these complementary ideologies and by the practices such ideologies allow and demand. These practices run the gamut from formal (i.e., primarily legal) exclusion and subjugation to cultural bias, prejudice, stereotype, oppressive myth-making, to terrorism and violence. The point of a system of racial oppression, historically, but also conceptually (I think...), is to provide the oppressing racially-identified group[2] with social, economic, political, and cultural *benefit* or privilege. In other words, the point is *POWER*. From the standpoint of morality, of course, social privilege arising from massive, systematic harm to the oppressed racially-identified group is unwarranted and unjust.[3] In any social order that is systematically oppressive, the *ideal* arrangement is for the members of the oppressed *and* the oppressing groups -- if the system is to be stable and so is to secure and distribute the privileges which are its entire point -- should be convinced that the social order is *natural*, which means unobjectionable, unchangeable. Which means that the causes and determinants of systematic oppression are to be made as socially invisible as is possible. (As I said in a recent interview, and here I'm really just making a point of Marilyn Frye's in a different way (by using terms Bernard Boxill uses explicitly), if you can convince a person you've enslaved that she is a *natural* slave, you probably won't need to whip or beat or rape or shackle her. Unless you just get off on that sort of thing; i.e., do it not out of necessity but out of desire.) And thus the process of socialization -- or: the process by which human infants are turned into functioning members of the social order into which they are borne and by which they are educated -- ideally will impart not only various constellations of value and belief, but it will teach, perhaps only by implication, members of both groups how they are to act and think so as to fit themselves, so as to be fitted, into the various social institutions which together constitute society as such. And by socializing people in this way, society reproduces the social institutions, the ideologies and practices, that constitute the oppressive social order. I've just distinguished the process of socialization into two parts, psychological and institutional, but that is, I suspect, mostly an artificial distinction. Which is only to say that the socialization process just is one unified field of person-formation, in the proper sense, by which the psychological beliefs and attitudes which are necessary to *function* within institutions are inculcated into individuals, and the institutions within which such beliefs and attitudes make any sense at all are perpetuated and reproduced. In my view, then, any member of the racially-identified oppressing group is racist insofar as, whether passively or actively, she supports the existing, that is, systematically oppressive and unjust social order. And so the various ways of being a racist moral agent (whether individual or institution, though there are some differences I can't untease here) in that sense exist along a *spectrum*, which runs from the passive acceptance of unwarranted privilege to active support, maintenance, extension of the unjust, oppressive social order and the institutions which constitute it. Ok, to answer your very specific questions explicitly (though I think the answers are pretty clear from what I just said): - which socialization process am I talking about? The only one there is, of course. In other words, that's just, as I understand things, how societies, whether just or unjust, oppressive or egalitarian, *work*. Things are not as static as I've made them seem, of course. At some point oppressed groups fight back, come to a conscious awareness of their situation, begin to counter-socialize, themselves and others, etc, etc. As for the bit about 'early teens', that was simply my very awkward way of trying to indicate an approximate general point at which most people have been mostly socialized. Finally, as with *any* socialization, racist socialization can be unlearned and resisted, but resistance is very difficult since we control our beliefs and attitudes (what psychologically make us fit to exist w/in social institutions) far more than we control the unwarranted but perhaps now un*wanted* privilege which an unjust, oppressive social order confers. I hope that helps. Thanks for asking, by the way, as Bijan and I were talking about these issues on IRC today, and I keep pretending that I'm going to try to write a book about all of this, which will mean I need to do this kind of work anyway. Best, Kendall Clark Footnotes: [1] I may need to say "supports plus *benefits* from..." here. My initial thought is that that doesn't need to be said explicitly because it's implied by the nature of social privilege in a systematically oppressive social order. That is, there are not likely to be (though whether this is really an empirical or conceptual claim, I'm not sure) any members of the racially-identified oppressing group who have not benefited in *any* way. [2] The existence of further unjust social arrangement *within* the dominant, racially-identified group is a separate issue. [3] Justice, John Rawls says, is the first virtue of a social order, just like truth is the first virtue of a system of thought. Social orders are made up, in part, of social institutions, which are made up of individuals. Justice is or ought to be a virtue of social orders *and* their moral agents.