30.4906, Calls: General Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Morphology, Semantics, Typology/Norway

LINGUIST List: Vol-30-4906. Sat Dec 28 2019. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 30.4906, Calls: General Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Morphology, Semantics, Typology/Norway

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Date: Sat, 28 Dec 2019 19:23:22
From: Yvonne Treis [[email protected]]
Subject: Manner, Quality, Degree and Quantity Demonstratives

 
Full Title: Manner, Quality, Degree and Quantity Demonstratives 
Short Title: W2 

Date: 15-Jun-2020 - 17-Jun-2020
Location: Oslo, Norway 
Contact Person: Yvonne Yvonne
Meeting Email: Yvonne
Web Site: https://bit.ly/36nXaeN 

Linguistic Field(s): General Linguistics; Historical Linguistics; Morphology; Semantics; Typology 

Call Deadline: 01-Feb-2020 

Meeting Description:

In our workshop we would like to bring together researchers working on four
cross-linguistically little studied demonstrative types: manner (1), quality
(2), degree (3) and quantity demonstratives (4), whose exophoric use is here
illustrated with English and German examples:

(1) Peter walks LIKE THIS / Peter läuft SO (+ speaker mimicking a way of
moving)
(2) I also have a cup LIKE THIS / Ich habe auch SO'NE Tasse (+ speaker
pointing to a cup on the table)
(3) Anna is THIS tall / Anna ist SO groß (+ speaker demonstrating her height
gesturally)
(4) I never bought THIS MANY clothes before / Ich habe noch nie SO VIELE
Klamotten gekauft (+ speaker pointing at their shopping bag)

A programmatic typological paper by König & Umbach (2018), a pilot study on
manner, quality and degree (MQD-)demonstratives based on a sample of ~15
languages, has shown that languages may use the same or formally related
demonstratives for manner, quality and degree (see German so), whereas others
oppose a manner/quality to a degree demonstrative (Spanish así vs. tan) or use
a different one for each semantic category (archaic English thus vs. such vs.
so). While many languages neutralize the deictic oppositions in the domain of
manner, quality and degree demonstratives, languages such as Finnish retain
these oppositions: näin ‘like this (speaker-proximal)’, noin ‘like this
(hearer-proximal)’, distal/anaphoric niin ‘like that’ (distal/anaphoric).
Finally, König & Umbach (2018) distinguish between languages with and without
morphologically simplex demonstratives.

Although König & Umbach (2018) take a decidedly cross-linguistic perspective,
their sample is fairly small. In-depth studies of MQD-demonstratives in
individual languages are still few in number; if such studies exist, they
often concentrate on one type, or they do not clearly distinguish between
them. The relevant literature includes, among others, Guérin (2015) on
demonstrative manner verbs; Umbach & Gust (2014) on German so; van der Auwera
& Sahoo (201), 2019) on English, Dutch and Odia (Indo-Aryan) quality
demonstratives; van der Auwera & Coussé (2016) on English and Swedish quality
demonstratives; or studies of the discourse functions of MDQ-demonstratives
such as Keevallik (2010) on the Estonian manner demonstrative nii, Shor (2018)
on the Hebrew manner demonstrative kaxa, and Vindenes (2017) on complex
similarity (= MDQ) demonstratives in Norwegian. As recent work by Treis (2019
[forthc.]) has shown that languages may have monomorphemic quantity
demonstratives (see Kambaata kanká ‘this much/this many’), this demonstrative
type and its relation to MQD-demonstratives will also be considered.


Call for Papers:

We invite contributions on manner, quality, quantity and/or quantity
(MQDQ-)demonstratives in individual languages and language groups (in
synchrony and/or diachrony) or from a cross-linguistic (areal, genetic and/or
typological) perspective. We are interested in the following questions:

- Content dimension: What is the formal relation between MQDQ-demonstratives?
Are these semantic types formally distinguished or are they all expressed by
the same (or formally) related forms?
- Deictic dimension: Are the deictic distinctions (degrees of distance) made
for object, person, place demonstratives retained or neutralised in
MQDQ-demonstratives?
- Morphological compositionality: What is the morphological makeup of
MQDQ-demonstratives? Are they unanalysable forms or are they morphologically
composite or are they phrasal? How have they developed in the recorded history
of the language?
- Word class membership: To which word class(es) do the MQDQ-demonstratives
below? 
- Functional extensions: What are the grammaticalization targets, semantic
extensions and discourse uses of MQDQ-demonstratives in individual languages
apart from the common and well-studied use of manner demonstratives as
quotatives?

Please consult workshop web page for references and submission details:
https://bit.ly/36nXaeN




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